Triosephosphate isomerase: a highly evolved biocatalyst

Triosephosphate isomerase (TIM) is a perfectly evolved enzyme which very fast interconverts dihydroxyacetone phosphate and d-glyceraldehyde-3-phosphate. Its catalytic site is at the dimer interface, but the four catalytic residues, Asn11, Lys13, His95 and Glu167, are from the same subunit. Glu167 is the catalytic base. An important feature of the TIM active site is the concerted closure of loop-6 and loop-7 on ligand binding, shielding the catalytic site from bulk solvent. The buried active site stabilises the enediolate intermediate. The catalytic residue Glu167 is at the beginning of loop-6. On closure of loop-6, the Glu167 carboxylate moiety moves approximately 2 Å to the substrate. The dynamic properties of the Glu167 side chain in the enzyme substrate complex are a key feature of the proton shuttling mechanism. Two proton shuttling mechanisms, the classical and the criss-cross mechanism, are responsible for the interconversion of the substrates of this enolising enzyme.     

L’émergence contrariée du chronographe imprimant dans les observatoires français (fin 19e – début 20e s.)

Les observatoires occidentaux se transforment en véritable usine scientifique à partir du milieu du 19^e siècle. L'astrométrie symbolise ce passage à une économie industrieuse des pratiques scientifiques. Le chronographe imprimant, qui permet de réduire les équations personnelles des observateurs, s'impose, d'abord aux Etats-Unis, puis en Angleterre, en instrument-emblème de cette transformation profonde. En France, les initiatives de l'astronome Liais restent prototypiques. Ce n'est qu'au début du 20^e siècle, par les voies détournées de l'observatoire d'Hendaye et de l'abbé Verschaffel, que le chronographe imprimant fait son retour et conquiert les espaces savants. La centralisation excessive de l'astronomie française, l'autoritarisme du directeur de l'Observatoire de Paris Urbain Le Verrier, et la faiblesse du marché des instruments expliquent pourquoi le chronographe imprimant n'a fait souche que très tardivement en France.     

The introduction of the differential notation to Great Britain

In the history of chemistry, the Danish chemist Julius Thomsen (1826–1909) is best known for his contributions to thermochemistry. Throughout his life, he was a pronounced atomist and a tireless advocate of neo-Proutian views as to the constitution of matter. On many occasions, especially in his later years, he engaged in speculations concerning the unity of matter and the complexity of atoms. In this engagement, Thomsen was alone in Danish chemistry, but his works were representative of a large number of 19th-century chemists, particularly in England and Germany. Thomsen's ideas as to the constitution of matter, the periodic system and the noble gases, may be seen as typical of this vigorous trend in fin de siècle chemistry.     

Chemistry and meteorology, 1700–1825

In 1639–1640 Benedetto Castelli (1577–1643) wrote a treatise on the loadstone which is quite unlike any of its contemporaries. In it are the origins of the notion of elementary magnets sharing a common alignment, the idea that all materials are magnetic in different ways, and the first intimation of the conception of magnetic domains. Castelli did not publish his treatise. Nevertheless his work was noted during his life-time, and may have exerted an influence on the development of magnetic theory in the 17th century. The treatise was published in 1883. Since then, however, it has either been neglected or not appreciated. It deserves being rescued from the neglect of more than three centuries.     

Jean Méry (1645–1722) and his ideas on the foetal blood flow

We present an analysis, and first full English translation, of a paper by Kant entitled ‘Über die Vulcane im Monde’ (1785). Kant became interested in the question of whether the mountains of the Moon were extinct volcanoes. Stimulated by the work of Herschel, Aepinus, and others, he considered the appearance of the Moon's surface and the possibility of lunar vulcanism. From this, he was led to consider the structures of mountain ranges on the Earth, which he decided were non-volcanic in origin, being produced by eruptions of vapours from the interior of the Earth soon after it formed from an original ‘chaos’. Kant developed his ideas in such a way as to yield a characteristic eighteenth-century ‘theory of the Earth’. We argue that the empirical base of his theory was provided by knowledge of the mountain ranges of Bohemia and Moravia. Analogies based on observations of the Moon further assisted in the construction of the theory. But the reasoning ran in two directions: what was seen on the Moon was construed in terms of what Kant knew of the Earth's topography; and the Earth's topography was presumed to be analogous to that of the Moon, for both the Earth and the Moon (and indeed all heavenly bodies) supposedly had essentially similar origins. Kant's ideas of 1785 are related to his earlier writings of 1754, 1755, and 1756, and also to the lectures on physical geography that he presented at Königsberg.     

A bibliographical study of the introduction of Lavoisier's Traité élémentaire de chimie into Great Britain and America

As the most famous woman scientist of the twentieth century, there has been no shortage of books and articles on the life and career of Marie Curie (1867–1934). Her role as a director of a laboratory-based research school in the new scientific field of radioactivity, a field which embraced both chemistry and physics, however, has never been examined. In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the question of research schools, and Morrell, Ravetz, Geison, and Klosterman, amongst others, have written on this subject. Using, in part, the methodology of Morrell, this paper investigates the role of Marie Curie as a school director in the Paris Faculty in the years 1907–14, examining the work and characteristics of her school and assessing her effectiveness as a director.     

The Philosopher's conception of Mathesis Universalis from Descartes to Leibniz

In Descartes, the concept of a ‘universal science’ differs from that of a ‘mathesis universalis’, in that the latter is simply a general theory of quantities and proportions. Mathesis universalis is closely linked with mathematical analysis; the theorem to be proved is taken as given, and the analyst seeks to discover that from which the theorem follows. Though the analytic method is followed in the Meditations, Descartes is not concerned with a mathematisation of method; mathematics merely provides him with examples. Leibniz, on the other hand, stressed the importance of a calculus as a way of representing and adding to what is known, and tried to construct a ‘universal calculus’ as part of his proposed universal symbolism, his ‘characteristica universalis’. The characteristica universalis was never completed—it proved impossible, for example, to list its basic terms, the ‘alphabet of human thoughts’—but parts of it did come to fruition, in the shape of Leibniz's infinitesimal calculus and his various logical calculi. By his construction of these calculi, Leibniz proved that it is possible to operate with concepts in a purely formal way.