狭义相对论与丁格尔时钟悖论 --对一场著名争论的回顾与再认识

1967年10月14日《自然》杂志发表了H 丁格尔教授反对狭义相对论的论证和W．H．麦克利教授对丁格尔论证的批评。本文指出麦克利对丁格尔的批评是不能成立的,因为麦克利为反对丁格尔观点而画出的时空图恰恰是支持丁格尔的,提出：丁格尔的论证就其反对爱因斯坦从狭义相对论引出的结论——“运动的钟比静止时走得慢”——是成立的,就其反对狭义相对论是不成立的：狭义相对论自身在逻辑上是无矛盾和完备的,而爱因斯坦从狭义相对论中得出“运动的钟变慢”的结论是不对的。文章阐明了狭义相对论与“钟慢效应实验证据”的正确关系。     

生物技术的推广系统化及其未来

生物技术在未来社会经济增长中起核心技术作用，它的应用是一个高度复杂的系统工程。本文在研究生物技术及其产业基础上，提出生物技术应用的行为准则及其市场化运作模式、商业系统原则及其运作以及前景预测。     

The importance of regional geology in the geological theories of Abraham Gottlob Werner: a contrary opinion

It has been and still is commonly believed by geologists and historians of geology alike that geological theory is an extrapolation from the empirical knowledge of the geology of a region. Abraham Gottlob Werner (1749–1817), whose theory concerning the origin of basalt and the minor role of volcanoes and the major role of water in the history of the earth's crust was eventually proven wrong in some respects, is usually cited as the prime example of a geologist who had not ventured beyond the confines of his native region, Saxony, and had developed a universal geological theory based almost entirely on his observations of that region. In this essay I show that the geology of Saxony played a relatively unimportant role in the development of Werner's universal geological theory; that he became a neptunist before he had closely examined the geology of Saxony; and that his explanation of the history of the earth's crust was as reasonable, if not more reasonable, than the explanations brought forth by those of his contemporaries who opposed his views.     

Edison and science: a curious result

In November 1875, Thomas Edison made the sensational announcement that he had discovered a new force of nature, etheric force. It was to emerge some years later that the phenomenon Edison described was a form of wireless transmission, but Edison failed both to advance his theory and to exploit his discovery in new inventions. I contrast Edison’s approach to doing science with what he did when inventing, and also with the approach used by his principal scientific opponents. This contrast reveals that he failed, not so much because he was an inventor who did science badly, but because when he ventured into scientific theory-making he abandoned key techniques that made him America’s most successful inventor. From this I argue that we can identify artefact creation processes in science that parallel the process of invention, and that Edison failed because his opponents created better artefacts.     

Recurrences and continuity in Einstein's research on radiation between 1905 and 1916

We analyse some aspects of Einstein's research on the light quantum between 1905 and 1916. The central subject of our paper is the discussion of the possible relationship between a little known paper of his on photochemical equivalence and his well-known 1916 derivation of Planck's formula, indicating the possibility of a deep continuity between these, at first sight, little correlated, investigations. We also re-examine another chapter of Einstein's research on the behavior of radiation: momentum fluctuations (MF). The recurring use he made of his formula for MF has already been analysed in the literature. We emphasize that although through shifts of meaning, it establishes a close relationship between two distant stages of his research. We indicate where one might discover Einstein's first dissatisfaction with the probabilistic character of quantum physics, in relation to some aspects of his works of 1916.     

Descartes’s changing mind

Descartes is always concerned about knowledge. However, the Galileo affair in 1633, the reactions to his Discourse on method, and later his need to reply to objections to his Meditations provoked crises in Descartes’s intellectual development the import of which has not been sufficiently recognized. These events are the major reasons why Descartes’s philosophical position concerning how we know and what we may know is radically different at the end of his life from what it was when he began. We call this later position Descartes’s epistemic stance and contrast it with his earlier methodological, metaphysical realism. Yet Descartes’s epistemic views cannot be separated from other aspects of his work, for example, his views concerning God, causality, metaphysics, and the nature of science. A further meta-implication is that serious errors await any scholar who cites early Cartesian texts in support of late Cartesian positions, or who uses later texts in conjunction with early ones to support a reading of Descartes’s philosophy.     

Study of the metabolites ofPhyllosticta maydis. I. Isolation and partial identification

Summary Various metabolites of the fungusPhyllosticta maydis have been isolated, particularly mevalonolactone. The most interesting of these compounds, which is highly toxic to corn seeds (Zea mays), and which is probably a complex polyol, is the subject of the present report.Acknowledgment. The authors are indebted to Professor T. Gäumann for his cooperation and Dr J.C. Tabet who performed the measurements of mass-spectrometry.     

Between relativism and pluralism: Philosophical and political relativism in Feyerabend's late work

Relativism is one of the most problematic terms associated with philosophical discourse, with Feyerabend considered among the most important twentieth century theorists subscribing to it. This paper provides a detailed overview of relativist positions advanced in Feyerabend's mid-to-late work and investigates the associated epistemic and political applications. Emphasis is placed on how Feyerabend supported certain aspects of relativism, and at what stage he rejected others. It is noted that Feyerabend had already imposed limitations on relativism in Farewell to Reason, in which he entertained the possibility of epistemic definition within stable contexts, and advanced the notion that opportunities and equality associated with political and cultural units could only be valid within a democratic system. In Conquest of Abundance, political relativism is largely discarded, while epistemological relativism is increasingly treated as an appeal for diversity in all areas.In this re-reading of his work, it becomes clear that Feyerabend was already advocating a moderate form of epistemic and political relativism in the middle of his career, which he subsequently developed in the direction of “ontological pluralism” in his later work. This paper thus shows that Feyerabend's relativism should not be completely rejected, but rather that it continues to offer interesting food for thought.     

The Remarkable Fecundity of Leibniz's Work on Infinite Series

The publication in 1906 of Alexander Smith's Introduction to general inorganic chemistry inaugurated a decisive change in chemical pedagogy in the US, the effects of which are still evident. The nature and extent of Smith's innovations are described through a comparison of his text to its source material and contemporaries. His authoritative command of and whole-hearted commitment to the intellectual framework of Ionist physical chemistry set his text apart from its American competitors, while his efforts to make the tools of physical chemistry immediately useful to his readers distinguished it from its most immediate source material, Wilhelm Ostwald's Grundlinien der anorganischen Chemie. Smith's curricular innovations in chemistry were a practical expression of his radically restrictive view of the social role of collegiate education, which he conceived as solely of use for its ability to prepare students for professional life. During the fifteen years prior to the publication of his groundbreaking textbook, Smith underwent two critical, formative experiences. First, he retreated intellectually from the structural organic chemistry in which he was trained, ultimately adopting a professional identity as a physical inorganic chemist. His involvement in the controversy regarding the structure of 1,3-diketones reveals much about his reasons for eventually abandoning organic chemistry. Second, he served the National Education Association as chairman of the Sub-committee on College Entrance Requirements in Chemistry, in the process making a close study of the ends and methods of secondary and collegiate education. These experiences made him unique among proponents of physical chemistry in the US, and help account for the unique nature of his contributions to the development of the chemical professions.     

Helmholtz's early empiricism and the Erhaltung der Kraft

Hermann Helmholtz has often been understood to have started research under the influence of Kant, and then to have made a transition to a later mature empiricist phase. Without claiming that in 1847 Helmholtz held the same positions that he later espoused, I suggest that already in his 1847 ‘Über die Erhaltung der Kraft’ one may find important aspects of his later empiricism. I highlight the ways in which, from early on, Helmholtz turned Kant to use in developing an empirical program of inquiry into possible basic natural causes. To that end, I indicate how, throughout his arguments, Helmholtz employed, sometimes explicitly, but often tacitly, an empiricist logic, one that ran contrary to any form of transcendental deduction, and even to all a priori knowledge. Instead of deriving aspects about the ultimate constituents of nature, Helmholtz aimed to define the proper project for physical natural science. The first part of the paper describes the context of discussion in which Helmholtz entered. The bulk of the paper then analyzes Helmholtz's arguments in order to make space between (1) Kantian, and other, deductions of characteristics that must be true of nature and (2) Helmholtz's delineation of empirically determinable characteristics of presumed ultimate elements of nature, ones that he meant to be specified and delimited through future experimental research. The paper highlights that throughout his discussion Helmholtz meant to define the proper project for physical natural science, a project rife with empiricist aspects.     

Phosphatidyl-N-(2 hydroxyethyl)-alanine synthesis of distearoyl L-α-glycerylphosphoryl-N-(2 hydroxyethyl)-alanine

Zusammenfassung Die erste Synthese eines Phosphatidyl-N-(2 hydroxyethyl)-alanins wird beschrieben.

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Dedicated to Professor Dr.Erich Baer in honour of his 70th birthday.

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The nomenclature used in this communication is that used byFischer andBaer for well-nigh 4 decades. However, according to the rules of IUPAC-IUB commission this should be 1,2-distearoylsn-glycero-3-phosphoryl-N-(2-hydroxyethyl)-alanine.

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The authors thank the National Institute of Health (USA) and the Medical Research Council (Canada) for making the grants available to ProfessorE. Baer, which made this work possible.

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The authors thank Dr.J. von Euw and Professor Dr.T. Reichstein of the University of Basel (Switzerland) for kindly providing the rotation. As the optical purity is a very important criterion of the activity of the phospholipids; this has been determined on the Schmid and Heansch polarimeter (visual) as well as on the Perkin Elmer polarimeter (photoelectric) with excellent agreement.     

Hempel on scientific understanding

Hempel seems to hold the following three views: (H1) Understanding is pragmatic/relativistic: Whether one understands why X happened in terms of Explanation E depends on one's beliefs and cognitive abilities; (H2) Whether a scientific explanation is good, just like whether a mathematical proof is good, is a nonpragmatic and objective issue independent of the beliefs or cognitive abilities of individuals; (H3) The goal of scientific explanation is understanding: A good scientific explanation is the one that provides understanding. Apparently, H1, H2, and H3 cannot be all true. Some philosophers think that Hempel is inconsistent, while some others claim that Hempel does not actually hold H3. I argue that Hempel does hold H3 and that he can consistently hold all of H1, H2, and H3 if he endorses what I call the “understanding argument.” I also show how attributing the understanding argument to Hempel can make more sense of his D-N model and his philosophical analysis of the pragmatic aspects of scientific explanation.     

Leibniz's Observations on Hydrology: An Unpublished Letter on the Great Lombardy Flood of 1705

Although the historical reputation of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) largely rests on his philosophical and mathematical work, it is widely known that he made important contributions to many of the emerging but still inchoate branches of natural science of his day. Among the many scientific papers Leibniz published during his lifetime are ones on the nascent science we now know as hydrology. While Leibniz's other scientific work has become of increasing interest to scholars in recent years, his thinking about hydrology has been neglected, despite being relatively broad in extent, including as it does papers on the ‘raising of vapours’ and the formation of ice, as well as the separation of salt and fresh water. That list can now be extended still further following the discovery of a previously unpublished letter of Leibniz's on the causes of the devastating Lombardy flood of October and November 1705. This letter, which will be the focus of our paper, reveals the depth of Leibniz's understanding of key hydrological processes. In it, he considers various mechanisms for the flood, such as heavy rains on high ground, underwater earthquakes, and a mountain collapse. Over the course of the paper we examine each of these mechanisms in depth, and show that Leibniz was in the vanguard of hydrological thinking. We also show that the letter contains one of the first scholarly attempts to apply aspects of the still-forming notion of the hydrological cycle to account for a flood event.     

Chiasmate meiosis in roaches. II. Meiosis in Blatella supellectilium Serv.

Summary In the cockroach, Blattella supellectilium Serv., meiosis in the male is of a normal, chiasmatic type, with an average chiasma frequency of 1.3 per bivalent (2n=22+XO).This paper is dedicated to my Professor and Principal, Dr J.C. Uttangi, who retired recently.I express with pleasure sincere thanks to my colleague Dr R. M. Patil for his valuable suggestions during the course of this work.     

The pre-history of hemocyanin. The discovery of copper in the blood of molluscs

The presence of copper in molluscs was discovered in 1833 by Bartolomeo Bizio, a Venetian chemist, who found copper in marine gastropods of the family Muricidae during his studies on the purple dye he had isolated from these animals. Bizio was so surprised by this finding that he extended his analysis to several other invertebrate species in which he identified the metal.     

Novel rearrangement of purines

Summary 6-Trichloromethyl-9-methylpurine (1) rearranges to 6-dichloromethyl-9-methyl-8-oxopurine (2) in aqueous mild acidic solution. The rearrangement is rationalized in terms of a reaction involving protonation, covalent hydration, prototropic equilibrium and/or a hydride transfer. An alternative mechanism involving a positive halogen compound and hypochlorous acid as an intermediary is also proposed. Compound1 condenses with 4,5-diaminopyrimidine to give the purine-pyrimidine Schiff base pair4.Acknowledgments. We are deeply indebted to Professor S. Cohen of the Sackler School of Medicine, Tel Aviv University (Ramat Aviv, Isreal) for his advice and encouragement. Support of this research by the Israel Cancer Association, the Ber-Lamsdorf Foundation Switzerland Israel and by the Advancement of Mankind Foundation, is gratefully acknowledged. We thank Proff. D. Arigoni and A. Eschenmoser, ETH Zürich, for their valuable proposals and comments on the mechanism of the rearrangement.     

Thomas Harriot’s optics,between experiment and imagination: the case of Mr Bulkeley’s glass

Some time in the late 1590s, the Welsh amateur mathematician John Bulkeley wrote to Thomas Harriot asking his opinion about the properties of a truly gargantuan (but totally imaginary) plano-spherical convex lens, 48 feet in diameter. While Bulkeley’s original letter is lost, Harriot devoted several pages to the optical properties of “Mr Bulkeley his Glasse” in his optical papers (now in British Library MS Add. 6789), paying particular attention to the place of its burning point. Harriot’s calculational methods in these papers are almost unique in Harriot’s optical remains, in that he uses both the sine law of refraction and interpolation from Witelo’s refraction tables in order to analyze the passage of light through the glass. For this and other reasons, it is very likely that Harriot wrote his papers on Bulkeley’s glass very shortly after his discovery of the law and while still working closely with Witelo’s great Optics; the papers represent, perhaps, his very first application of the law. His and Bulkeley’s interest in this giant glass conform to a long English tradition of curiosity about the optical and burning properties of large glasses, which grew more intense in late sixteenth-century England. In particular, Thomas Digges’s bold and widely known assertions about his father’s glasses that could see things several miles distant and could burn objects a half-mile or further away may have attracted Harriot and Bulkeley’s skeptical attention; for Harriot’s analysis of the burning distance and the intensity of Bulkeley’s fantastic lens, it shows that Digges’s claims could never have been true about any real lens (and this, I propose, was what Bulkeley had asked about in his original letter to Harriot). There was also a deeper, mathematical relevance to the problem that may have caught Harriot’s attention. His most recent source on refraction—Giambattista della Porta’s De refractione of 1593—identified a mathematical flaw in Witelo’s cursory suggestion about the optics of a lens (the only place that lenses appear, however fleetingly, in the writings of the thirteenth-century Perspectivist authors). In his early notes on optics, in a copy of Witelo’s optics, Harriot highlighted Witelo’s remarks on the lens and della Porta’s criticism (which he found unsatisfactory). The most significant problem with Witelo’s theorem would disappear as the radius of curvature of the lens approached infinity. Bulkeley’s gigantic glass, then, may have provided Harriot an opportunity to test out Witelo’s claims about a plano-spherical glass, at a time when he was still intensely concerned with the problems and methods of the Perspectivist school.     

Frederick Pavy (1829-1911) and his opposition to the glycogenic theory of Claude Bernard

For more than 50 years the Guy's Hospital physician Frederick Pavy (1829-1911) attempted to discredit the theory of his erstwhile teacher, Claude Bernard, that liver glycogen was broken down to supply sugar to the systemic circulation. His opposition was driven by his clinical perceptions and was based on two assumptions: the first was that the kidney was a simple filter through which small molecules would diffuse, so that sugar had to be prevented from reaching the systemic circulation. For Pavy, the liver was the barrier. The second was teleological: he could not believe that nature would operate in what he saw as a defective way, i.e. converting sugar into glycogen and then back again. At the beginning of his long working life Pavy regarded himself as a physiologist and was critical of the stagnancy of English physiology which was kept afloat by amateurs like himself in whatever time they could spare from busy private practice. At the end he came to see his own view of carbohydrate metabolism as symbolic of the schism between responsible clinicians (himself) and irresponsible daydreaming physiologists (his opponents).