Gauss's geodesy and the axiom of parallels

It is a myth that Gauss measured a certain large triangle specifically to determine its angle sum; he did so in order to link his triangulation of Hanover with contiguous ones. The sum of the angles differed from 180° by less than two thirds of a second; he is known to have mentioned in conversation that this constituted an approximate verification of the axiom of parallels (which he regarded as an empirical matter because his studies of hyperbolic trigonometry had led him to recognize the possibility of logical alternatives to Kant and Euclid). However, he never doubted Euclidean geometry in his geodetic work. On the contrary, he continually used 180° angle sums as a powerful check for observational errors, which helped him to achieve standards of precision equivalent to today's. Nor did he ever plan an empirical investigation of the geometrical structure of space.     

The Mathematics of the Area Law: Kepler's Successful Proof in Epitome Astronomiae Copernicanae (1621)

Epitome V (1621), and consisted of matching an element of area to an element of time, where each was mathematically determined. His treatment of the area depended solely on the geometry of Euclid's Elements, involving only straight-line and circle propositions – so we have to account for his deliberate avoidance of the sophisticated conic-geometry associated with Apollonius. We show also how his proof could have been made watertight according to modern standards, using methods that lay entirely within his power. The greatest innovation, however, occurred in Kepler's fresh formulation of the measure of time. We trace this concept in relation to early astronomy and conclude that Kepler's treatment unexpectedly entailed the assumption that time varied nonuniformly; meanwhile, a geometrical measure provided the independent variable. Even more surprisingly, this approach turns out to be entirely sound when assessed in present-day terms. Kepler himself attributed the cause of the motion of a single planet around the Sun to a set of `physical' suppositions which represented his religious as well as his Copernican convictions; and we have pared to a minimum – down to four – the number he actually required to achieve this. In the Appendix we use modern mathematics to emphasize the simplicity, both geometrical and kinematical, that objectively characterizes the Sun-focused ellipse as an orbit. Meanwhile we highlight the subjective simplicity of Kepler's own techniques (most of them extremely traditional, some newly created). These two approaches complement each other to account for his success. (Received April 19, 2002) Published online April 2, 2003 Communicated by N. M. Swerdlow     

Superposition: on Cavalieri’s practice of mathematics

Bonaventura Cavalieri has been the subject of numerous scholarly publications. Recent students of Cavalieri have placed his geometry of indivisibles in the context of early modern mathematics, emphasizing the role of new geometrical objects, such as, for example, linear and plane indivisibles. In this paper, I will complement this recent trend by focusing on how Cavalieri manipulates geometrical objects. In particular, I will investigate one fundamental activity, namely, superposition of geometrical objects. In Cavalieri’s practice, superposition is a means of both manipulating geometrical objects and drawing inferences. Finally, I will suggest that an integrated approach, namely, one which strives to understand both objects and activities, can illuminate the history of mathematics.     

Aspects of Aristotelian statics in Galileo's dynamics

This paper examines geometrical arguments from Galileo's Mechanics and Two New Sciences to discern the influence of the Aristotelian Mechanical Problems on Galileo's dynamics. A common scientific procedure is found in the Aristotelian author's treatment of the balance and lever and in Galileo's rules concerning motion along inclined planes. This scientific procedure is understood as a development of Eudoxan proportional reasoning, as it was used in Eudoxan astronomy rather than simply as it appears in Euclid's Elements. Topics treated include the significance of the circle in Galileo's demonstrations, the substitution of rectilinear elements for heterogeneous factors like weight and curvilinear distance, and the way in which elements of a motion are used to measure other elements of the same motion. The indirectness of Galileo's proofs, his conception of speed as relative and comparative, and the meaning of his concept of moment all come into clearer focus. Conclusions are drawn about Galilean idealization, and also about the contrast of literal versus figural modes of explanation in Galileo's science.     

Proposition 10, Book 2, in the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Principia</Emphasis>, revisited

In Proposition 10, Book 2 of the Principia, Newton applied his geometrical calculus and power series expansion to calculate motion in a resistive medium under the action of gravity. In the first edition of the Principia, however, he made an error in his treatment which lead to a faulty solution that was noticed by Johann Bernoulli and communicated to him while the second edition was already at the printer. This episode has been discussed in the past, and the source of Newton’s initial error, which Bernoulli was unable to find, has been clarified by Lagrange and is reviewed here. But there are also problems in Newton’s corrected version in the second edition of the Principia that have been ignored in the past, which are discussed in detail here.     

The intelligibility of motion and construction: Descartes’ early mathematics and metaphysics, 1619-1637

I argue for an interpretation of the connection between Descartes’ early mathematics and metaphysics that centers on the standard of geometrical intelligibility that characterizes Descartes’ mathematical work during the period 1619 to 1637. This approach remains sensitive to the innovations of Descartes’ system of geometry and, I claim, sheds important light on the relationship between his landmark Geometry (1637) and his first metaphysics of nature, which is presented in Le monde (1633). In particular, I argue that the same standard of clear and distinct motions for construction that allows Descartes to distinguish ‘geometric’ from ‘imaginary’ curves in the domain of mathematics is adopted in Le monde as Descartes details God’s construction of nature. I also show how, on this interpretation, the metaphysics of Le monde can fruitfully be brought to bear on Descartes’ attempted solution to the Pappus problem, which he presents in Book I of the Geometry. My general goal is to show that attention to the standard of intelligibility Descartes invokes in these different areas of inquiry grants us a richer view of the connection between his early mathematics and philosophy than an approach that assumes a common method is what binds his work in these domains together.     

J. Zaragosa's centrum minimum,an early version of barycentric geometry

Summary Using the properties of the Centre of Gravity to obtain geometrical results goes back to Archimedes, but the idea of associating weights to points in calculating ratios was introduced by Giovanni Ceva in De lineis rectis se invicem secantibus: statica constructio (Milan, 1678). Four years prior to the publication of Ceva's work, however, another publication, entitled Geometria Magna in Minimis (Toledo, 1674), 2 appeared stating a method similar to Ceva's, but using isomorphic procedures of a geometric nature. The author was a Spanish Jesuit by the name of Joseph Zaragoza.Endeavouring to demonstrate an Apollonius' geometrical locus, Zaragoza conceived his idea of centrum minimum — a point strictly defined in traditional geometrical terms — the properties of which are characteristic of the Centre of Gravity. From this new concept, Zaragoza developed a theory that can be considered an early draft of the barycentric theory that F. Mobius was to establish 150 years later in Der barycentrische Calcul (Leipzig, 1827).Now then, whereas Ceva's work was rediscovered and due credit was given him, to this day Zaragoza's work has remained virtually unnoticed.     

The early application of the calculus to the inverse square force problem

The translation of Newton’s geometrical Propositions in the Principia into the language of the differential calculus in the form developed by Leibniz and his followers has been the subject of many scholarly articles and books. One of the most vexing problems in this translation concerns the transition from the discrete polygonal orbits and force impulses in Prop. 1 to the continuous orbits and forces in Prop. 6. Newton justified this transition by lemma 1 on prime and ultimate ratios which was a concrete formulation of a limit, but it took another century before this concept was established on a rigorous mathematical basis. This difficulty was mirrored in the newly developed calculus which dealt with differentials that vanish in this limit, and therefore were considered to be fictional quantities by some mathematicians. Despite these problems, early practitioners of the differential calculus like Jacob Hermann, Pierre Varignon, and Johann Bernoulli succeeded without apparent difficulties in applying the differential calculus to the solution of the fundamental problem of orbital motion under the action of inverse square central forces. By following their calculations and describing some essential details that have been ignored in the past, I clarify the reason why the lack of rigor in establishing the continuum limit was not a practical problem.     

Effects of vaginal stimulation on hypothalamic single units in unanesthetized rabbits

Résumé Certains neurones hypothalamiques présentent dans la demi-heure qui suit une stimulation vaginale des modifications de leur décharge spontanée indépendantes de l'état de vigilance de l'animal. Ces variations pourraient être en rapport avec les mécanismes nerveux de l'ovulation provoquée chez la Lapine.

---

---

We are very grateful to Dr. J. N.Hayward, Department of Anatomy, University of California, Los Angeles, for his constructive criticisms.     

Pierre-Joseph Macquer an Eighteenth-Century Artisanal-Scientific Expert

Summary

Pierre-Joseph Macquer (1718–1784) is well known as one of the major chemists in the eighteenth century as a theoretician and a teacher. He is also known for his works on dyeing. This paper presents a new face of Macquer. He proposed a theory on mordants in dyeing as early as 1775. Besides his activity at the Académie des sciences, he played an important role in Government as the commissioner of dyeing from 1766 where he established close links with artisan inventors. Académicien chimiste at the royal Manufactory of Sèvres from 1757, he was also the inventor of French porcelain. His notebooks show his organization, method, courage, passion and obstinacy in the search for the paste for hard porcelain. He also proposed an interpretation of its formation. Macquer was both a theoretician and a practical expert in dyeing as well as in porcelain making. He managed to bridge the gap between science and art.     

The volcanoes of Auvergne

It is with good reason that the name Rutherford is closely linked with the early history of the alpha particle. He discovered them, determined their nature, and from 1909 used them to probe the structure of the atom. From 1898 to 1902 Rutherford construed alpha radiation as a type of non-particulate Röntgen radiation. On his theory of the locomotion of radioactive particles Rutherford proposed that alpha radiation consisted of negatively charged particles. During 1902 he confirmed the particulate nature of alpha radiation but discovered that these alpha particles were positively charged. Although Rutherford suspected from 1903 that these alpha particles were related somehow with helium, the proof required six long years of investigation. By mid-1908 it seemed certain that the alpha particle possessed two units of the elementary charge. Since the e/m ratio had already been determined for alpha particles, this evidence enhanced the suspected connection with helium. However, this gain and loss of charge was still construed as an ionization effect. Since as late as 1908 gaseous ionization was assumed to involve the gain or loss of a single unit of charge, Rutherford's alleged case of doubly ionized alpha particles was presumably an exception. Yet helium was known to be an inert gas and thus hardly a likely candidate for such exceptional ionization behaviour. To establish the connection, therefore, Rutherford resorted to a spectroscopic test. He collected spent alpha particles shot into a thin glass tube and gradually observed the spectrum of helium. Rutherford had thus been correct in his assumption, but a proper explanation was possible only after the confirmation of the nuclear structure of the atom.     

The Rise and Fall of the Glassmaker Paul Bosc d'Antic (1753–1784)

Abstract

Thanks to the efforts made in the first decade of the 18th century by Réaumur and, to a lesser extent, by Buffon, glassmaking attracted the attention of Academic French scientists. In the early 1750s, in order to bridge the gap between the protected system of French glass manufactories and the academic thirst for innovation and technological improvement, technical experts with solid scientific backgrounds were charged by the Académie des sciences to supervise the organisation of several royal manufactories. Paul Bosc d'Antic was chosen in 1755 to solve the problems at the mirror manufactory in Saint-Gobain. Bosc d'Antic's career, in its tension between his ambition as an academic author and drive as a technical inventor, and the economic interest of a free entrepreneur, provides an interesting example of the complex and contradictory evolution of the French chemical arts and manufactories during the second half of the 18th century.

“Les arts ont entr'eux des rapports plus ou

moins marqués, […] mais celui de la verrerie

est le fondement de presque tous les autres”.

Bosc d'Antic     

Leonhard Euler's ‘anti-Newtonian’ theory of light

Leonhard Euler was the leading eighteenth-century critic of Isaac Newton's projectile theory of light. Euler's main criticisms of Newton's views are surveyed, and also his alternative account according to which light is a wave motion propagated through the aether. Important changes are identified as having occurred between 1744 and 1746 in Euler's thinking about the way in which a wave such as he supposed light to be is propagated through a medium. Paradoxically, in view of Euler's overtly anti-Newtonian stand, these amount to Euler abandoning his early, Malebranchian notions about the physical basis of wave propagation, in favour of the ideas set out by Newton in Book II of his Principia.     

Greek angles from Babylonian numbers

Models of planetary motion as observed from Earth must account for two principal anomalies: the nonuniform speed of the planet as it circles the zodiac, and the correlation of the planet’s position with the position of the Sun. In the context of the geometrical models used by the Greeks, the practical difficulty is to somehow isolate the motion of the epicycle center on the deferent from the motion of the planet on its epicycle. One way to isolate the motion of the epicycle center is to determine the longitude and time of oppositions of the planet with the mean Sun. A Greek astronomer might have realized that the predictions of mean oppositions by Babylonian models could serve as useful proxies for real empirical observations. It is shown that a Greek astronomer with a reasonable understanding of Babylonian System A models for the outer planets and the Sun–Moon could have used those models to estimate approximate values for the eccentricity e and longitude of apogee A required for geometrical models. The same method would work for the inner planets if conjunctions were observable, but they are not, and the variation of the observable synodic events—first and last morning and evening visibilities—is dominated more by the motion of the planet in latitude than the nonuniform motion of the epicycle center.     

Morphological evidence for electrical synapse of ‘gap’ junction type in another vertebrate receptor

Résumé Une étude des organes tubéreux de grande taille chez un poisson électrique à faible décharge,Sternarchus albiforns a été effectuée en microscopie électronique. Elle a permis d'observer la présence, en plus de la synapse chimique, d'une jonction en «gap» de la synapse électrique.

---

---

Acknowledgments. I am grateful to Dr.T. Szabo for his valuable suggestions. The work was carried out during the tenure of French Govt. Fellowship award to the author who is on leave from Department of Zoology, University of Allahabad, Allahabad, India.     

Between Viète and Descartes: Adriaan van Roomen and the <Emphasis Type="Italic">Mathesis Universalis</Emphasis>

Adriaan van Roomen published an outline of what he called a Mathesis Universalis in 1597. This earned him a well-deserved place in the history of early modern ideas about a universal mathematics which was intended to encompass both geometry and arithmetic and to provide general rules valid for operations involving numbers, geometrical magnitudes, and all other quantities amenable to measurement and calculation. ‘Mathesis Universalis’ (MU) became the most common (though not the only) term for mathematical theories developed with that aim. At some time around 1600 van Roomen composed a new version of his MU, considerably different from the earlier one. This second version was never effectively published and it has not been discussed in detail in the secondary literature before. The text has, however, survived and the two versions are presented and compared in the present article. Sections 1–6 are about the first version of van Roomen’s MU the occasion of its publication (a controversy about Archimedes’ treatise on the circle, Sect. 2), its conceptual context (Sect. 3), its structure (with an overview of its definitions, axioms, and theorems) and its dependence on Clavius’ use of numbers in dealing with both rational and irrational ratios (Sect. 4), the geometrical interpretation of arithmetical operations multiplication and division (Sect. 5), and an analysis of its content in modern terms. In his second version of a MU van Roomen took algebra into account, inspired by Viète’s early treatises; he planned to publish it as part of a new edition of Al-Khwarizmi’s treatise on algebra (Sect. 7). Section 8 describes the conceptual background and the difficulties involved in the merging of algebra and geometry; Sect. 9 summarizes and analyzes the definitions, axioms and theorems of the second version, noting the differences with the first version and tracing the influence of Viète. Section 10 deals with the influence of van Roomen on later discussions of MU, and briefly sketches Descartes’ ideas about MU as expressed in the latter’s Regulae.     

Newton's early computational method for dynamics

On December 13, 1679Newton sent a letter toHooke on orbital motion for central forces, which contains a drawing showing an orbit for a constant value of the force. This letter is of great importance, because it reveals the state ofNewton's development of dynamics at that time. Since the first publication of this letter in 1929,Newton's method of constructing this orbit has remained a puzzle particularly because he apparently made a considerable error in the angle between successive apogees of this orbit. In fact, it is shown here thatNewton's implicitcomputation of this orbit is quite good, and that the error in the angle is due mainly toan error of drawing in joining two segments of the oribit, whichNewton related by areflection symmetry. In addition, in the letterNewton describes quite correctly the geometrical nature of orbits under the action of central forces (accelerations) which increase with decreasing distance from the center. An iterative computational method to evaluate orbits for central forces is described, which is based onNewton's mathematical development of the concept of curvature started in 1664. This method accounts very well for the orbit obtained byNewton for a constant central force, and it gives convergent results even for forces which diverge at the center, which are discussed correctly inNewton's letterwithout usingKepler's law of areas.Newton found the relation of this law to general central forces only after his correspondence withHooke. The curvature method leads to an equation of motion whichNewton could have solvedanalytically to find that motion on a conic section with a radial force directed towards a focus implies an inverse square force, and that motion on a logarithmic spiral implies an inverse cube force.