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The appearance of negative solutions in mediaeval mathematics 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Jacques Sesiano 《Archive for History of Exact Sciences》1985,32(2):105-150
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Pierre Duhem's (1861–1916) lifelong opposition to 19th century atomic theories of matter has been traditionally attributed to his conventionalist and/or positivist philosophy of science. Relatively recently, this traditional view position has been challenged by the claim that Duhem's opposition to atomism was due to the precarious state of atomic theories during the beginning of the 20th century. In this paper I present some of the difficulties with both the traditional and the new interpretation of Duhem's opposition to atomism and provide a new framework in which to understand his rejection of atomic hypotheses. I argue that although not positivist, instrumentalist, or conventionalist, Duhem's philosophy of physics was not compatible with belief in unobservable atoms and molecules. The key for understanding Duhem's resistance to atomism during the final phase of his career is the historicist arguments he presented in support of his ideal of physics. 相似文献
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Bernadette Bensaude-Vincent 《Studies in history and philosophy of science》2005,36(4):627-649
At first glance twentieth-century philosophy of science seems virtually to ignore chemistry. However this paper argues that a focus on chemistry helped shape the French philosophical reflections about the aims and foundations of scientific methods. Despite patent philosophical disagreements between Duhem, Meyerson, Metzger and Bachelard it is possible to identify the continuity of a tradition that is rooted in their common interest for chemistry. Two distinctive features of the French tradition originated in the attention to what was going on in chemistry.French philosophers of science, in stark contrast with analytic philosophers, considered history of science as the necessary basis for understanding how the human intellect or the scientific spirit tries to grasp the world. This constant reference to historical data was prompted by a fierce controversy about the chemical revolution, which brought the issue of the nature of scientific changes centre stage.A second striking—albeit largely unnoticed—feature of the French tradition is that matter theories are a favourite subject with which to characterize the ways of science. Duhem, Meyerson, Metzger and Bachelard developed most of their views about the methods and aims of science through a discussion of matter theories. Just as the concern with history was prompted by a controversy between chemists, the focus on matter was triggered by a scientific controversy about atomism in the late nineteenth-century. 相似文献
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Ian James Kidd 《Studies in history and philosophy of science》2011,42(1):185-189
David Stump (2007) has recently argued that Pierre Duhem can be interpreted as a virtue epistemologist. Stump’s claims have been challenged by Milena Ivanova (2010) on the grounds that Duhem’s ‘epistemic aims’ are more modest than those of virtue epistemologists. I challenge Ivanova’s criticism of Stump by arguing that she not distinguish between ‘reliabilist’ and ‘responsibilist’ virtue epistemologies. Once this distinction is drawn, Duhem clearly emerges as a ‘virtue-responsibilist’ in a way that complements Ivanova’s positive proposal that Duhem’s ‘good sense’ reflects a conception of the ‘ideal scientist’. I support my proposal that Duhem is a ‘virtue-responsibilist’ by arguing that his rejection of the possibility of our producing a ‘perfect theory’ reflects the key responsibilist virtue of ‘intellectual humility’. 相似文献
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The origins of the theory of group characters 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
Thomas Hawkins 《Archive for History of Exact Sciences》1971,7(2):142-170
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Vladimir Jankovic 《Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part B: Studies in History and Philosophy of Modern Physics》2010,41(3):201-207
The paper looks at how an early eighteenth-century climatological model of the ‘best climate’ on Earth became a platform for political, economic, and demographic action of extraordinary significance for the colonization of new commodity environments. It analyzes the science used by an early modern business adventurer to model ‘climate’ as an economic tool informing imperial governance and exploitation of local resources. Jean Pierre Purry’s construction of ‘model climate’ portrayed North Carolina’s township at Yamassee River as an ideal environment geared toward mercantilist principles of trade but also as a model community based on skilled labor and optimal climatic capital. His climatological analysis was a purposeful act of policy making based on a science of colonial expansion similar to more recent calls at economic modelling of future climate impact. 相似文献
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G. C. Amstutz 《Cellular and molecular life sciences : CMLS》1958,14(7):235-237
Zusammenfassung Die Streitfrage um die Genese der Mississippi-Valley-Pb-Zn-Lagerstätten wird zugunsten einer syngenetischen und hypogenen Entstehung aus hydrothermal-exhalativen, grossenteils kolloidal sedimentierten Erzlösungen entschieden. Diese drangen entlang uralten, immer wieder aufgebrochenen rhegmagenen Bruchsystemen auf. 相似文献
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This paper traces the origin of renormalization group concepts back to two strands of 1950s high energy physics: the causal perturbation theory programme, which gave rise to the Stueckelberg-Petermann renormalization group, and the debate about the consistency of quantum electrodynamics, which gave rise to the Gell-Mann-Low renormalization group. Recognising the different motivations that shaped these early approaches sheds light on the formal and interpretive diversity we find in contemporary renormalization group methods. 相似文献
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Alan F. Chalmers 《Studies in history and philosophy of science》2010,41(1):1-10
William Newman construes the Scientific Revolution as a change in matter theory, from a hylomorphic, Aristotelian to a corpuscular, mechanical one. He sees Robert Boyle as making a major contribution to that change by way of his corpuscular chemistry. In this article it is argued that it is seriously misleading to identify what was scientific about the Scientific Revolution in terms of a change in theories of the ultimate structure of matter. Boyle showed, especially in his pneumatics, how empirically accessible, intermediate causes, as opposed to ultimate, mechanical ones can be explored and identified by experiment. Newman is right to observe that Boyle constantly sought intimate links between chemistry and the mechanical philosophy. However, by doing so he did not thereby significantly aid the cause of attaining experimental knowledge of chemical phenomena and the support that Boyle’s chemistry provided for the mechanical philosophy was weaker than both Boyle and Newman imply. Boyle was intent on articulating and defending a strict, mechanical account of the ultimate structure of matter to be sure, but his contributions to the new experimental science in general, and chemistry in particular, are best seen as distinct from that endeavour. 相似文献
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U. T. Rüegg 《Cellular and molecular life sciences : CMLS》1992,48(11-12):1102-1106
Hypertension or high blood pressure is a risk factor that increases risk of myocardial infarction, renal failure or cerebral stroke. The pathogenesis of hypertension is due to a variety of causes, including inherited predisposition, dietary habits, especially salt intake, smoking, and also ‘general lifestyle’. But for the scientist interested in the complex interplay of physiological and molecular factors, the actual causes of high blood pressure remain uninvestigated. The following article is concerned with new reports that ouabain, a plant derivative, occurs in human beings, in whom it appears to have a hormonal function; ouabain may even play a key role in the pathogenesis of hypertension. We are thus brought a step closer to the background of cardiovascular disease; we may also be afforded a lead to a new therapeutic principle. 相似文献